The gathering inferno: When politics turns to violence
An election can be compromised before a single ballot is cast.
An election can be compromised before a single ballot is cast.
Nigeria’s political parties can tell us who will coordinate their campaigns, mobilise their supporters and deliver their strongholds. They owe us comparable clarity on who will deliver safer communities, functioning hospitals, and an economy where work pays.
Confidence cannot be repaired by asking people to ask fewer questions. It grows when institutions give better answers and make those answers examinable.
The answer is neither panic nor blind enthusiasm. It is to insist that every use of AI that can affect a voter’s rights or an election result remains open to scrutiny, challenge and correction.
Government bears the primary responsibility for protecting lives and property. Community vigilance, religious compassion, and individual resilience can support that duty; they cannot replace it.
Democratic continuity means civilian rule keeps going. Democratic consolidation means its limits can be relied upon.
Within weeks of UNGA, the government should publish a concise account of the delegation’s cost, its substantive meetings, the commitments made or sought, the official responsible for each follow-up and the date by which progress will be reported.
Foreign capital should enlarge domestic capability rather than permanently replace it. Partnerships should leave behind skills, technology, supply chains, tax value, and competitive Nigerian enterprises.
Government must be judged by whether people became safer, healthier, more capable, more productive, and more dignified.
Market size is not the same as market quality. Population figures may attract investors, but purchasing power, infrastructure and regulatory predictability determine whether they stay.
The deeper lesson from Parton’s philanthropy is that leadership must build institutions, not merely monuments.
But Nigeria must be careful not to mistake a declaration of good intentions for an architecture of credible elections.
The central challenge, therefore, is not simply to find better leaders, but to build institutions capable of restraining imperfect ones.
A political system without consequences does not merely tolerate poor leadership; it manufactures it.
The question, therefore, is not simply whether Nigerians should trust INEC. The harder question is whether INEC is prepared to earn that trust before 2027.
The issue is whether a country already spending heavily on debt service can keep adding new obligations without a more convincing revenue strategy, stricter project discipline, and clearer proof that every borrowed dollar will generate the productivity required to repay it.
The true measure of how a state values human life is not in its condolences but in its preparedness.
The sponsors of political violence must become as vulnerable to the law as the foot soldiers they recruit.
Nigeria’s mistake has never been a shortage of institutions but a shortage of coherence.
The Senate did not ban electronic transmission; it refused to guarantee it. In Nigeria’s electoral history, that distinction is the difference between deterrence and discretion.
The best way to judge Nigeria at Davos is not by panel speeches, but by what is signed, funded, and delivered after returning home.
In a global oil market in which supply dynamics can shift overnight, prudence is not pessimism. It is governance.
The integrity of lawmaking is not a procedural nicety; it is the foundation that makes hard policies tolerable because people can trust that what is being enforced is what was debated, voted on, and assented to.
Since banditry works like a business, it should be fought like one: cut off its money, raise its costs, strip away its protection, and create better legal options.
To break this cycle, we must look beyond boots on the ground and prioritise holistic, institution-building reforms that address the root causes of instability.
If rigging is a “manufactured outcome,” then it can be countered by deliberate, strategic action.
It also showed something subtler: that the legitimacy of mercy grows when it is bounded by rules, transparent criteria, and the voices of those who bear the consequences of crime.
When justice becomes a commodity, when money, influence, and power can sway its course, courts cease to be bastions of order and transform into markets of outcomes.
Ballots must not only be cast; they must be believed. That belief is built now, in the choices we make and the discipline we show.
Nigeria’s opportunity is to shift from exhortation to architecture: empower communities to track projects, publish contracts, and create channels where complaints trigger action.
We honour the dead by protecting the living. We respect survivors by providing services that are predictable, not performative.
The current rush to establish new parties is less about ideological conviction or grassroots movements and more about strategic positioning, bargaining leverage, and transactional gain.
What the country has needed, and what BRIDGE attempts to deliver, is a structured mechanism for converting financial capital into human, intellectual, and social capital.
The painful truth about this crisis is its preventability. Hunger in northern Nigeria is not a natural disaster, but a consequence of a system that values political optics over structural reform.
Our embassies must stop being graveyards of empty offices and instead become hubs of skilled negotiators who can advocate for our people’s mobility with facts, not excuses.
Nigeria needs a five-year Power Sufficiency Roadmap, enshrined in law, to ensure stability during periods of political transition.
Defence spending must be matched by transparent audits and a parallel surge in humanitarian and reconstruction funds, particularly for the farms and schools that violence has emptied.
If the Nigerian government sees this windfall as a new lease on life for its oil-dependent model, it will only delay the inevitable reckoning.
Every bill should face a “rigour filter” before the second reading: a clear problem statement, a fiscal note, and evidence of stakeholder consultation.
Programmes like NELFUND can unlock that human capital, but only in a governance environment where corruption is costly and impunity impossible.
Reliable baseload power and a north-south freight rail spine must precede, not follow, any talk of mega parks or local content mandates. Technical colleges must receive the same prestige and funding as universities.
To restore credibility, NNPC Ltd. must publish independently audited financial reports with full operational details, implement transparent procurement policies, establish zero-tolerance measures against corruption, and resist political interference in financial decisions.
Potential reforms could include defining emergency conditions more precisely, requiring judicial review of emergency declarations, and strengthening legislative oversight to prevent executive overreach.
The best the Senate can do is to conduct a proper investigation on the issue and come out with a clean bill of health.
Enforcing stricter financial regulations will help disrupt criminal financing. Strengthening anti-money laundering measures and improving surveillance of cryptocurrency transactions are necessary steps.
RDCs should not serve as political slush funds but as accountable entities focused on real development.
To address the AI rookie status, the federal and state governments must establish a national AI council, partner with international organisations and tech firms, and launch initiatives to educate and train the workforce in AI technologies.
Such practices underscore the need for regulatory oversight to ensure price adjustments are justified and reflective of market realities. Without mechanisms for fairness and transparency, these hikes erode consumer trust.
The call for state police is not just a matter of political discourse; it is a necessary step toward securing the lives and property of Nigerians.
Nigeria must strengthen INEC’s independence, provide adequate resources, and ensure that it operates free from political interference.
For Nigeria to progress, it must prioritise leadership development, reform political structures to value competence, and actively involve citizens in cultivating visionary leaders.
Restoring citizens’ trust in both economic policy and management of the economy is essential for sustainable growth.
Nigeria’s criminal justice system allowed these minors to languish in detention for three long months without verifying their ages or giving them a fair trial.
To restore air travel as a widely accessible service, Nigeria must address its infrastructural, regulatory, and economic challenges with targeted reforms and strategic investments.
Nigeria’s education sector requires a cohesive, long-term strategy to ensure sustained improvement.
Democracy thrives on institutions that remain impartial and strong, but developments in Rivers State threaten critical guardrails like security agencies and the judiciary.
The government must proactively invest in agriculture through targeted strategies prioritising mechanisation, logistics, and agro-processing.
It is high time governments adopted proactive policies that anticipate potential disasters rather than merely reacting after they occur.
Nigeria inevitably must build a strong economy as the foundation for effective foreign policy.
Nigeria must develop a national policy elite capable of creating, pursuing, and sustaining sound policies.
It is time the government stuck with its goal of adopting or adapting the Oronsaye report on streamlining the MDAs to achieve efficiency, save cost, create policy consistency and build public trust.
Free, fair, and credible elections are the most critical step towards genuine LG autonomy without contestation.
Addressing cholera in Nigeria requires a multifaceted approach that addresses both immediate needs during outbreaks and the underlying causes perpetuating the disease.
The danger of this framing is that it sounds more like an excuse than a creative strategy to upturn our economic woes.
The only thing that can ensure the preservation of democracy and our freedom is an impartial, courageous, and independent judiciary.
The government singling out an aspect of security and levying citizens to pay for it is tantamount to double taxation when we already pay income tax and allow the government income from our natural resources to provide this service.
Productivity and added value creation should be a significant consideration among many bases for ascribing monetary wage increases, not just policy or legislation.
No template exists in the world where a country develops its human resources through private education.
Changing public behaviour requires a multifaceted approach that combines legislation, education, community engagement, social support and enforcement efforts.
A gradual, sequential step to the ultimate destination of appropriate electricity pricing would have delivered a different result and minimise the adverse effect on the citizens.
The states now have the full constitutional authority to create the frameworks for the adequate electricity supply to their citizens.
Increasing our productive capacity and, by extension, enhancing our internally generated revenue is imperative. States waiting to go to Abuja to pick up peanuts monthly is not sustainable.
More disheartening is the fact that the high cost of government has not translated to administrative efficiency, quality services or high policy outcomes.
It is myopic to think that the government will ignore the significant external and internal intervening variables underpinning the excessive hike in the price of cement, whip the industry to an agreeable price, and assume the problem has been solved.
For any meaningful improvement to be seen, we need a total revision of security strategies and architecture from the present state.
Each time news of discovery or recovery of looted fund breaks, we are happy. However, the painful realisation that each recovered loot speaks to the gaps in our governance accounting and audit reporting system is yet to dawn on us.
We need a clear, coherent, strategic plan driven by data and evidence and, most importantly, disciplined, transparent, and consistent execution.
A national peace and unity dialogue is imperative now, aiming to address the divisive lines that have emerged over the years.
It is time we drew a curtain on the ill-fated experiment of the Naira redesign and its ripple effect and do a structured transition to a cashless system with minimal adverse impact on citizens and the economy.
As imperfect as our electoral acts have been, they would have provided better elections if they had been adequately implemented.
We must strengthen institutions of public accountability – internal audits, whistle-blowers, better public accounting with triggers and red alerts, better law enforcement, and a cleaner judiciary.
To address these issues, Nigeria must prioritise the independence of statistical agencies, ensure adequate funding, improve data collection methodologies, enhance transparency, and promote data-driven policies.
Nigerians have expectations of the Executive and NASS regarding the 2024 budget formulation, ratification, implementation, and accountability. We expect a workable and realistic budget.
It is time to strengthen appropriate institutions to enforce laws and regulations on the control of SALW.
However, only an alignment between our homegrown economic agenda, structural reforms and foreign policy can provide a message of economic renaissance that the administration carries on its extensive foreign travels.
Industrialization has been acknowledged as a critical engine for growth, prosperity, job creation and improved living standards. Yet Africa, Nigeria in particular, is less industrialized today than it was 30 to 40 years ago.
I applaud the government’s decision to release grains from the strategic reserve depots, but it must ensure these grains get to hungry Nigerians at affordable prices.
As the dominant regional power, Nigeria has a moral and diplomatic responsibility for ensuring stability in the neighbourhood.
This is a justification for some proceeds of subsidy removal to be applied to investment in viable energy sources and social services like education, health, and affordable public transportation.
The best approach has proven to be leaders and institutions that adopt proactive decision-making. It is cheaper to be proactive than to be reactive.
Driving up purchasing power is key to reactivating the middle class. This requires a delicate balancing of taxation and benefit policies.
Accountability to the people and developing people-centric policies and programmes must be the guiding principles of the new governors.
The quality of the president’s cabinet can be a roadblock or a source of strength.
The government must create the right policy environment and framework for increased private investment in power generation, leading to the modernisation of transmission infrastructure and management.
It behoves the new administration to restructure the whole education system on a priority basis and align it with modern education techniques.
The reasonable inference to draw from this picture is that there is something wrong with our economic model.
In addition to our sensitivities, merit must be the highest consideration. NASS should use the election of its leadership to show the public that it is not business as usual and that the focus has shifted to meritocracy.
The legislature constitutionally granted the oversight role against the executive must reconsider the security vote and either remove them entirely or allow a reasonable amount (about 1% of the budget) for emergency security issues.
The only way to stop this electoral impunity is for the Judiciary to send a clear message through its judgements that deviation from the laws, rules and regulations governing elections by any candidate or party will be met with severe punishment and will never be rewarded.
All governors should strive towards sustainable revenue inflow tied to economic productivity. As the CEO of the states, governors should map out ways of relying less on federal allocation by improving IGR through sustainable resource mobilization.
If the government does not respond urgently to issues that led to coalescing of forces in the “Obidient movement”, the youth movement will acquire more significant momentum.
Advisedly, the court must allow technical issues to take the back seat and allow substantial justice to prevail. That is the only way we can correct a dysfunctional system and win the trust of Nigerians.
Given the recurring logistics challenges in our elections, INEC must develop better ways of solving these problems to improve Nigerians’ voting experience.
Political parties need to do more about voter education, and they ought to take responsibility for voter education.
It is evident that such rented crowds, no matter the visual power they portray, do not translate to voter loyalty or electoral victory.
The challenge has nothing to do with the beneficiaries of the intervention, the people of the Niger Delta or the justification for this special intervention but rather the current structure, processes, administration and quality of leadership of the agency.
Reducing or eliminating monetary inducement is vital to the success of the 2023 polls. The government and INEC owe it as a duty to Nigerians to conduct a credible, free and fair election next year.
It is not what the US promises to give that should concern Africa, but what it plans to take from Africa.
It is the serial failure of different levels of government to provide the building blocks of poverty eradication that has led to the ballooning poverty.
They must develop real messages that speak to the concerns of those dissatisfied with the country’s current state of socio-economic conditions and provide credible alternative policy roadmap.
Developing nations and African countries need concessions on existing debts, benefits on imports of technologies for clean energy innovations and credits on funding for clean-energy research and infrastructure such as solar and wind energy fields.
These unholy triune forces are powerful enough to cause mayhem and destroy our electoral process come 2023 if nothing is done.
Unlocking Nigeria’s growth potential requires new economic thinking by leadership in the public and private sectors.
As simplistic and direct as this economic thinking is, the existing economic structure and the ones proposed by the presidential candidates are insufficient to put Nigeria on a growth trajectory.
A mechanism to track and hold candidates accountable would ensure that promises merely to induce voters are not made and that promises are sincere and well-conceived.
Overall, Nigeria politicians and leaders owe Nigerians clarity of vision and policy, probity and accountability if they do not want to suffer Liz Truss’s fate.
The impact of the flooding in Nigeria is exacerbated by a lack of respect for science and leadership problems.
Only by interrogating and engaging the campaign promises of politicians will we start the process of holding them accountable.
The primary strategic concern of our increasing demographic hemorrhage is the emigration of skilled Nigerian youth. The people on whom our future depends are leaving.
To tackle kidnapping for ransom will require a cocktail of laws, intelligence, surveillance, and joint military–police operation.
This is a crime against the state and must be treated as such. The government must go after perpetrators of this dastardly act and severely punish them as a deterrent to others.
These similarities give us the impetus to pay close attention to the Kenyan elections and learn from the outcome.
This situation results from accumulated financial mismanagement and policy misdirection of past administrations, including this one.
There are better ways to show solidarity with ASUU to achieve a better result than just protesting. NLC must liaise with ASUU and mediate between it and the government on this issue, considering the historical antecedents behind this crisis.
However, the progress made in tackling rigging may be undermined by the politics of financial inducement.
For the presidential candidates, a complete reform and decentralisation of the Police must be the prime agenda in the security strategy, and this must be a focal issue in the campaign.
It is time for a significant policy shift by the Nigerian government on oil. We need to start signing an array of sweeping executive orders and policies to create an energy mix fit for Nigeria’s growth.
My primary concern is not where the VP candidates come from but their suitability.
People who engage in mob justice must be arrested and prosecuted and punished by the law to serve as a deterrent to others.
We must ringfence their benefits and emoluments in both federal and state budgets and never allow a situation where the government owe them salaries.
It is crucial to empower the security forces and provide them with the mandate with clear deadlines to wipe out bandits and insurgents.
Every political party in Nigeria should open itself up to allow for more democratisation of the system by allowing for popular participation by reducing the cost of participating in the electoral process.
Winning or losing elections can structurally depend on the content of the voters’ register and how it is used during elections.
Parties must never cherry-pick which rules or laws to comply with and which ones to jettison.
I will add that there is a need for electronic surveillance of the entire route to avoid terrorists hiding in some areas to perpetrate their evil acts without detection.
The five gender bills rejected at the National Assembly will not bring gender equality. But they are the first and foundational steps in the climb to gender equality.
In spite of their political character, it might be better to assess ministers more like departmental CEOs with clear targets and performance indicators.
It is time we sell off non- functional refineries, license more private ones and end fuel importation and subsidy regime.
Political parties have a crucial role of reining in their proxies and supporters and working with fact- checkers and civil society organisations to put ethical communication principles into practice in a social-media age.
The most critical element of this typology, due to the scale and complex nature of soot, is an extensive state and national level Coordinated Action Plan.
I sincerely hope that government will give Nigerians the Christmas gift of providing robust security during this festive season on our major highways.
A national strategy that will map out actions at federal, state, and local government levels is needed and must involve security agencies, civil societies, and ordinary citizens.
Food security must be at the heart of national security, and a rethink of the existing national food security strategy is needed.
I implore him to start on time to manage peoples’ expectations and be realistic about his potentials and limitations in providing solutions to the myriads of problems of Anambra people.
However, Nigeria needs to adequately articulate its national interest and modus operandi in engaging with the rest of the world in renewable energy, climate change and their economic implications.
Just like with electronic transmission of results, direct primaries success depends on the implementation. INEC has extended responsibilities of monitoring party primaries, and government should equip it to do so.
The State governments, especially in the South, seem to be forcing a new form of federalism on Nigeria by looking inward in the existing constitution and enforcing their rights in areas hitherto seen as the exclusive preserve of the federal government.
Governors of the South-East should establish a line of dialogue with the leadership of the proscribed IPOB. Despite their crude methods and foibles, they enjoy sympathy in the region.
The crisis requires both local and national solutions. We should take a second look at our constitutional provisions regarding the concept of ‘indigene’. This term is ambiguous.
The last lesson is that a grand strategy to end insurgency in Nigeria must be developed and implemented rigorously by the government in conjunction with the private sector, regional and international collaborators.
I cannot stress enough the need for party members to fund the political parties. This approach is the democratic process and stops party funders from hijacking the party and, in extension, governance.
I advise that the parties’ leadership should do everything possible, as provided in their respective party constitutions and guidelines, to have a transparent congresses/ convention that substantially reflects popular sentiments.
There are no simple solutions to the myriad of problems facing Nigerian universities, but the key indeed lies away from establishing more universities, at least for now, until quality improves.
A rejection of electronic transmission of results and a return to the manual transmission of results is a return to everything wrong with elections in Nigeria.
For Nigerian youths to make a difference in the long term, they must be engaged in formal political processes and have a say in formulating today’s and tomorrow’s politics and policies.
The main principles of SSI should not be discarded, and there should be a re-evaluation of its strong points, including its emphasis on the training of school staff to deal with emergencies and a focused extension of the initiative to cover all states under the threat of bandits.
No power will make people who feel dominated stop agitating for what they may rightfully or wrongly regard as freedom. Nigerian government should encourage dialogue and use force only when it is inevitable in dealing with secessionist elements in the country.
To curb the increase in ritual killings, the government should thoroughly explore the intelligence-gathering approach and prosecute arrested culprits. Timely arrest and prosecution of arrested suspects would serve as a deterrent to anybody contemplating perpetrating ritual killing.
These economic pressures have reached alarming rates and require bold emergency actions. Nigerians are going through so much stress and strain with no end in sight.
It has become apparent that something is seriously wrong with Nigeria’s security architecture. We seem to have a problem getting the right policy to tackle insecurity and taking the proper steps to safeguard Nigerians’ lives.
To get it right in Nigeria, we need to create a civil service that sees itself as a tool for promoting growth, peace, stability, development, and democracy.
Still, I feel that Nigeria should play the lead role in a coalition of naval security apparatus from the international community to provide security in the Gulf of Guinea.
The country can make better progress if the extant National Gender Policy (NGP), which recommended that at least 35% of both elective political and appointive public service positions be reserved for women, is implemented.
This merry-go-round blame game and altercation by our governors are unnecessary at this point when insecurity has become perhaps the most significant impediment to our peaceful coexistence and development.
I suggest that the federal government should adopt a kind of carrot and stick approach to bringing the problem of banditry to an end.
The government should establish grazing reserves in consenting states and improve livestock production and management to minimise contacts and friction between herders and farmers.
It would be overly simplistic and naïve to believe that a mere change of the military hierarchy would mark a turning point in the fight against criminality or suddenly decapitate Boko Haram overnight.
The second wave of Covid-19 can only be checked by a determined and purposeful government and a responsible citizenry.
What is needed are some efforts in critical areas of the polity, ensuring that the country is on the path of progress, unity, and prosperity.
There is a need for good planning and proper resourcing of the vaccination project, starting from education and sensitisation to actual vaccination of millions of Africans.
The country cannot make progress with the current system whereby incessant ASUU strikes continues to damage the Nigerian educational sector and imperils the future of the Nigerian youth.
We should not discard the lessons of the #EndSARS movement. Nigeria must rise from the ashes of #EndSARS with a better police force, a better system of managing internal protests and better internal security architecture for the whole country.
They should channel the enormous energy, organizational capacity and creativity of #EndSARS to form a political movement that would not be characterised by money politics and archaic and corruption-ridden ‘structures’ but by new ideas and new ways of playing politics.
The #EndSARS protest has sent a clear signal that the youths of Nigeria have found their voice and the message is that we need comprehensive reform in all sectors of our country, be it security, education, healthcare, governance, economy or youth engagement.